I had an experience this morning that once again leads me to think about social engineering, primarily here in Ontario under the Liberal auspices, though frankly the only real difference between the left, far-left, and right on these matters is the passivity of the effort. True conservatives engineer mostly indirectly, whereas true liberals and socialists engineer actively. (As a point of disclosure, the experience is that I have been walking my 5-year old into the school the past few weeks, and I have been asked to stop that and let her go in at the outer door with the rest of the class. The actual event is a shrug to me, as the only effect it has is to move the moment of separation slightly, while increasing the direct management load on the teachers. That being part of their job, I bow to the request with good nature, aware that ultimately it will benefit my daughter, and it saves me about 5 minutes in the morning. Frankly, it can’t make my present say-to-day life much worse, as it consists of being a slave to work, family and duty. A bit more abuse is irrelevant in the larger scheme.)
Some time ago the Ontario Liberal Party created full-day kindergarten, and essentially changed the structure of how children are reared. Ostensibly this is following the effort of Norway, which in its sum total assessment thus far hasn’t had bad results. Problematically, of course, Ontario (and Canada in general) is not Norway, and consequent to that the lack of integration of this effort with others shows some cracks that Norway hasn’t had to deal with. But those are for stronger stomachs to investigate and qualify. My real stepping off point is the general consideration about how this social engineering effort is coming into play in twenty years time.
A few observations and revelations first:
I am not one of those people who believes coddling children is particularly wise, but nor do I really believe it harmful in the long-term scheme of things. It does tend to form attachments, and attachments in balance are critical to maintaining the fabric of societies. At the same time, I am less than impressed when the burden of child-rearing is arbitrarily taken by a state, any state. The problem I see in that arbitrary claim of the responsibility is that it erodes the purpose of family. Now, I am not a “family first” type, and I have no religious inclinations, nor do I have much real belief that modern families re any better (or worse) than those of old. What I do know, though, is that indoctrination at a young age, even mild and initially formless, is a people-management mechanism, not a necessity. A child left to their own accord for a decade will still learn, will still excel if they have a natural bent in some field, etc. The sole purpose of “early education” is indoctrination, to address either a structural management issue or a social one. That has to be the case, because learning has absolutely nothing to do with “schools.” Knowing many graduates of University proves it.
What concerns me about all this is that when liberal engineers act, they tend to create extensions of the nanny-state syndrome, because parochial thinking stains political liberalism so deeply. The idea that the machine knows better than the mere human beings it claims to serve has been, and remains, a strong liberal view. This concerns me because historically this kind of renormalisation of society has led to a number of problems, the worst end of the spectrum being Nazi Germany prior to World War II, where the socialisation effort was so powerful it reshaped young minds to accept prejudicial tripe without any question. Now I am not suggesting modern liberalism is anything like the socialist roots of Nazism, but what I am observing is that once a mechanism is in place, its use is not restricted to the present. This has never been the case; it will never be the case; it is not humanly possible to refuse the inclination to encompass and control. By embedding the even earlier separation of parents and children into the mechanism of social control, the stage is set for the introduction of unperceived social risk.
My field for more than the last decade has been about practical risk management, and part of what I have learned in that time is that the risks most critical, the real game-changers, are the unperceived ones. BP in the Gulf is an example, at the core of it: no one really thought a blowout preventer would fail, so no one conceived any real solution if that happened 5000 feet under the ocean. Of course, that doesn’t shift the responsibility, or excuse the pathetic paralysis that was visible inside and outside the company. Nor does it excuse the short-sighted view that led to this environmental disaster. What it does, though, is illustrates the idea of the unperceived risk, and clarifies that we are not talking about “unknown” risks, but ones that are widely known the instant your blinders are removed, and can be both seen and managed by anyone who is looking. BP was struck by its narrowness of vision, not an unknown. At best it was unexpected; at worst it was absolute negligence at play. But probably it fell into the same realm as the social risks I can see coming from an incomplete, unmanaged, sloppy plan to indoctrinate youth before they have even formed comprehensive personalities.
What strikes me in the Ontario vision of education is that the engineers of the plan are so blindly ignorant of the potential risks of extending the role of the state to effectively eliminate early parenting. Rather than list a handful that come to mind, I’ll focus on the one risk I suspect will be the most complex one to manage – and it is not the risk that future governments use this indoctrination model to foist a nationalist stance upon us.
When you take young children and place them in regimental settings you are creating conformist beings earlier than ever before. It is fine to say that “play matters” (and right now that dictum is evident in the system), but there is no way to alter the side-effect of someone who disagrees with that coming along and enforcing more regular curriculum. And that will happen, when politicians pander to the obvious side-effect of earlier parental disconnects. “How do I know how my child is doing?” will eventually be asked at earlier ages, and the only way to offset the perception of a vacuum is to fill it. Eventually, “report cards” will end up issued as young as full-day junior kindergarten. And this will further detach the actual parents, whose authority is undermined by the disconnect and further obliterated by the false expression of connection of some “official” measure. This thread left to the reader to consider, I return to the risk of regimental thinking, which while fine in mundane applications has potentially deadly consequences in the real world.
Mankind is on the cusp of climate change, and regardless of why it is so, we have three choices how to face it: hide from it, pretending it isn’t obvious until it is far too late to even engage the problem; attack it aggressively with existi9ng ideas that have, for the most part, proven untenable as aspects of a solution; or breed an imagination in successive generations that allows them to tackle these vast, complex problems more effectively than we can. And yet we are increasingly churning out mechanisms to quash the imagination…and therein lies a deadly risk. A risk that is obvious, but ignored by reason of convenience.
I won’t belabour the idea, but offer it as grist for mental mills. I will leave one question to stand: When a society acts to detach the social compact between parents and children at earlier and earlier junctures, creating a mechanical and regimental substitute, what is the likelihood that children raised in that environ will be attached enough to preceding generations to act in accordance with the broader social need rather than the selfish one?